DOMA and Prop 8 Cases Inch Toward the Supreme Court

Over the past decade, movement on marriage equality has been in two opposing directions, with some states passing laws to allow same-sex marriage and others passing laws to prohibit such unions. In addition to the legislative strategy, some advocates have pursued a litigation strategy, which has paid increasing dividends as several federal courts have recently ruled that efforts to deny same-sex couples the right to marry are unconstitutional.

In February, the Ninth Circuit struck down California’s Prop 8 (the voter-enacted ban on same-sex marriage) and just a few days ago declined to rehear the case en banc, while at the end of May, the First Circuit ruled DOMA’s section 3 (defining marriage as between one man and one woman) unconstitutional. The Supreme Court is likely to hear at least one of these cases during the term that begins in October, adding same-sex marriage to the long list of political hot button issues on its docket.

DOMA’s two operative paragraphs make it an unusually short yet damaging piece of legislation. The law allows the federal government to deny economic and other benefits to lawfully married same-sex couples and threatens states that recognize same-sex marriage (like Massachusetts) with cuts to programs like Medicaid. DOMA’s Section 3 operates to effectively deny married same-sex couples the rights and benefits that apply to heterosexual couples.

With its unanimous ruling, the First Circuit became the first federal appellate court to rule that DOMA is unconstitutional. Several federal district courts, including California’s Northern District and the Southern District of New York, have also declared DOMA unconstitutional. (The Ninth Circuit will hear oral arguments in yet another DOMA challenge during the week of September 10th).

In its May 31 opinion, the First Circuit looked to the harmful effects of the legislation on states and individual citizens when deciding whether those effects served to advance Congress’ goal of protecting heterosexual marriage. However, the three-judge panel was not as ambitious as the Northern District of California when reviewing DOMA’s constitutionality, calling for “closer than usual” review of its discriminatory effects on same-sex couples rather than applying “heightened scrutiny,” as the court in California did.

It is all but assumed that the losing party in the First Circuit will appeal to the Supreme Court. This is such a foregone conclusion that the First Circuit stayed its decision pending appeal, and seemed to be directing its reasoning toward the “swing justice” – Justice Anthony Kennedy. The unanimous opinion relies heavily on Justice Kennedy’s opinions in Lawrence v. Texas and Romer v. Evans. In Lawrence – involving a Texas anti-sodomy law – the Court warned that moral disapproval alone could not justify criminalizing specific behavior, while Romer stands for the proposition that a state cannot deny an entire class of persons the ability to seek equal protection under the law. It is well-known that lawyers and advocates go to great lengths to sway his pivotal vote, and these are cases in which his vote would almost certainly be pivotal.

When these cases reach the Supreme Court, the goals of DOMA and Prop 8 will be examined in terms of those laws’ effects. While DOMA supporters claim that the law saves the federal government money by denying certain benefits to same-sex couples, the First Circuit said that recent studies suggest otherwise. Furthermore, there is no empirical evidence to support the claim that legalizing same-sex marriage discourages heterosexual marriage. In its relatively modest ruling, the First Circuit said that denying federal benefits to same-sex couples lawfully married in Massachusetts “has not been adequately supported by any permissible federal interest.”

In its opinion, the First Circuit reiterated the status of same-sex couples as a disadvantaged and politically unpopular group. The First Circuit’s ruling illustrates an emerging consensus among courts that the rights of same-sex couples should not be denied without at least some question as to the discriminatory results of laws like DOMA or Prop 8. Even without the level of skepticism in the Northern District of California opinion, the First Circuit still chose to review DOMA under a higher than usual standard.

If the Court hears either or both of these cases, it may decide to rule on a question as narrow as whether the federal government and all states must recognize same-sex marriages performed lawfully under the various state laws, or as broad as declaring any state ban on same-sex marriage unconstitutional. The Court will have a historic opportunity to move the country forward on marriage equality, or to erase the progress that has been made over the last several years.

The three judges of Perry v. Brown

Last week's landmark decision on marriage equality in California was made by a three-judge panel of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. Much has been written about the legal positions and implications, but less has been said about the judges whose deliberations and opinions grabbed the headlines.

Here is some background information on the three-judge panel.

Judge Stephen R. Reinhardt, who authored the decision, was appointed to the Ninth Circuit in 1979 by President Jimmy Carter.  He was confirmed to the seat on September 11, 1980.  Judge Reinhardt is a graduate of Pomona College (1951) and Yale Law School (1954).  Following law school, he served in the U.S. Air Force from 1954-1956, clerked for Judge Youngdahl of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia from 1956-1957, and then entered private practice in Los Angeles from 1957-1980.

Judge Michael D. Hawkins, currently holding senior status on the Ninth Circuit, joined Judge Reinhardt’s decision.  He was appointed to the bench by President Bill Clinton in 1994 and was confirmed by the Senate that same year.  On February 12, 2010, Judge Hawkins assumed senior status.  He received his B.A. from Arizona State University and his J.D. from Arizona State University College of Law.  Upon graduation from law school, he served for three years as a U.S. Marine Corps Special Courts Martial Military Judge.  He then worked in private practice in Phoenix, Arizona from 1973-1976; served as a U.S. Attorney for the District of Arizona from 1977-1980; was back in private practice from 1980-1994; and, from 1985-1989, served as a special prosecutor for the Navajo Nation.

Judge N. Randy Smith, who dissented in the case, was nominated on January 16, 2007 to fill a seat on the Ninth Circuit; he was confirmed to the seat on February 15, 2007 and began service the next month.  Judge Smith is a graduate of Brigham Young University and of the J. Reuben Clark School of Law at Brigham Young University.  After law school, he worked as Associate/Assistant General Counsel for J.R. Simplot Company from 1977-1981; was an adjunct professor at Boise State University from 1979-1981; worked in private practice in Pocatello, Idaho from 1982-1995; and became a district judge for the Sixth Judicial District of the State of Idaho in 1995, serving until his appointment to the Ninth Circuit.  Judge Smith began work as an adjunct professor at Idaho State University in 1984, a position he continues to hold.