There is more than one way to end DOMA

Cert petitions have been submitted to the Supreme Court in three separate cases that call into question the constitutionality of the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), a law that denies economic and other benefits to same-sex couples even in states where same-sex marriage is legal.  If the Court decides to hear one or more of them, its ruling could both determine the constitutionality of DOMA and could set a standard for how courts evaluate laws that discriminate against people on the basis of sexual orientation.

Several federal courts have also found DOMA to be unconstitutional, including the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit.  Each of these courts has applied a different level of review to determine whether the law can stand. 

The California decision applied the strictest “heightened scrutiny” test to the statute.  Heightened scrutiny is applied to laws impacting a protected class of people; presuming such laws may have a discriminatory effect, it only allows such laws to stand when they are found to be narrowly tailored in the least restrictive manner to serve a compelling governmental interest.  By applying this test, the court held that sexual orientation constitutes a protected class deserving of special protection. 

The First Circuit applied what the three-judge panel called “closer than usual” review of the law’s discriminatory effects, presuming that there could be some discrimination inherent in the law but balancing that against the interest of the government in passing it. The First Circuit ruling on DOMA’s constitutionality is – so far – the only one by a federal appeals court. 

In New York, Edie Windsor won her legal challenge to the discriminatory statute when she sought to recover hundreds of thousands of dollars in inheritance taxes that she would not have had to pay if the federal government recognized her rights as a spouse. Because Section 3 of DOMA defines marriage as being between one man and one woman, Windsor’s inheritance was subject to estate taxes not levied on heterosexual couples.

In finding DOMA unconstitutional under a rational basis review, the Southern District of New York indicated that no rational reason exists for a law denying same-sex couples the right to marry.  Rather than finding LGBTQ persons are a class in need of special protection by the courts, Windsor holds that DOMA defies common sense and must, therefore, be struck down.

The ACLU, which represented Windsor in court, has petitioned the Supreme Court to bypass the appeal made to the Second Circuit and decide the case themselves.

Windsor is the only case where DOMA failed under the rational basis test.  Rational basis review generally allows a law to stand if there is any possible, conceivable reason that a legislature might have thought a rational reason exists to pass a law. It is a very broad standard; when applied to statutes, they almost always pass scrutiny by the Court. 

The Supreme Court has yet to decide which form of scrutiny applies to discrimination based on sexual orientation.   That the Court will hear at least one of these cases seems almost inevitable.  In addition to the fate of DOMA itself, the Supreme Court’s choice of which case to take could establish a standard for review of laws impacting sexual orientation.

There Was No Conflict of Interest in California Gay-Marriage Case

Last week, opponents of same-sex marriage filed a desperate, bigoted recusal motion alleging that Judge Vaughn Walker, who overturned California's gay-marriage ban, should have been forbidden from hearing the case on the grounds that his sexual orientation constituted a conflict of interest.

The New York Times editorial board dismissed that ridiculous notion:
The claim is bogus. It is well established that personal characteristics, like race, sex, ethnicity, religion or sexual orientation, do not by themselves invoke the rule that judges must step aside if their “impartiality might reasonably be questioned.”

Our justice system relies on trusting members of the nation’s diverse bench to put aside their personal characteristics and abide by their duty of even-handedness. Any other approach would invite foolish and unacceptable results — female judges being kept from hearing rape or sexual discrimination cases, or black judges from hearing cases involving racial bias or civil rights.
The Washington Post editorial board agreed, and said that even if a conflict did exist, that alone isn't grounds to throw out Judge Walker's sound, legal, and just ruling in the case:
Vacating a judgment, however, is an extraordinary remedy, and courts have in many instances declined to throw out a judgment even after concluding that a judge should have disqualified himself. It is not called for here. The California-based federal appeals court is already reviewing this decision — and it should uphold it.
These editorials are both correct that there is no conflict of interest in this case. However, our legal system does provide a procedure to review Judge Walker's decision not to recuse himself.

The same cannot be said for those decisions made by justices of the Supreme Court, who are their own final arbiters on matters of recusal. If a case before the Court could create a conflict of interest for one of the justices, he or she makes the decision whether or not to recuse, without being required to disclose his or her reasoning, and the parties in the case have no recourse for appealing that decision.

It is only right that we expect the justices of the Supreme Court to be subject to the same ethical standards to which we hold Judge Walker and every other federal judge.

Alliance for Justice is engaged in an ongoing effort, supported by more than 135 of America's most prominent legal ethicists, to press for mandatory ethical standards and a review process for recusal decisions by Supreme Court justices.

Visit AFJ's website for more information on Supreme Court ethics reform.

Gay Marriage Foes Attempt Desperate and Bigoted Recusal Motion

Last August, California District Court Judge Vaughn Walker struck down Proposition 8, California's 2008 referendum banning same-sex marriage, as unconstitutional. While the case is on appeal, Prop 8 supporters have filed a motion arguing that Judge Walker's ruling should be vacated because his long-term, same-sex relationship created a conflict of interest requiring recusal from the case.

Today on the Washington Post’s website, Adam Serwer dismantles these arguments. Serwer writes that Prop 8 supporters “are reduced to arguing, essentially, that Walker’s ruling should be vacated because he is gay.” He adds that this “faulty legal reasoning” does nothing to convince anyone that the pro-Prop 8 crowd’s marriage stance “amounts to anything other than prejudice.”
The problem is that this same logic could be applied to a straight, married judge hearing the case. After all, supporters of the same-sex marriage ban are arguing that marriage equality is so damaging to the institution of marriage that the government has a vital interest in making sure gays and lesbians can’t get married. That means that a straight, married judge couldn’t be expected to be impartial, either — after all, according to supporters of Prop 8, “the further deinstitutionalization of marriage caused by the legalization of same-sex marriage,” would directly impact married heterosexuals. Therefore, a heterosexual, married judge could be seen as having just as much “skin in the game” as Judge Walker.

Justice Department Won't Fight for DOMA

Yesterday, President Obama announced that the Department of Justice would no longer defend against legal challenges to the discriminatory Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA). It’s an acknowledgment of what many already knew: that DOMA is unconstitutional and un-American. On its own, that’s a big step for equality in this country

But it also means government lawyers will no longer spend time or taxpayer money fighting to keep millions of Americans from having the right to marry. The effort put into upholding DOMA was a stain on the American legal system, and its end marks a turning point in the fight for equality.

The law is still on the books, and the fight to end legalized discrimination in America will continue, but yesterday’s decision is an important victory.